As the two countries consolidate relations, the Japanese ruling coalition’s victory in the upper house elections will help
India should be pleased with the outcome of elections to the Upper House in Japan,
likely as it is to speed up cooperation in four areas — economics,
defence and security, political and people-to-people exchanges. On a civil nuclear deal though, New Delhi seems happy to wait for the Japanese to choose the right political climate to resuming talks.
Japan’s progress to a closer relationship with India is bound to
accelerate with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)-led coalition winning
a majority in the Upper House, strengthening the Lower House victory it
recorded in December last year.
This will reverse the political instability that has prevailed since
2006, coincidentally the same time that India-Japan ties took off. After
the end of the Junichiro Koizumi Government that year, Japan has had
seven Prime Ministers including Shinzô Abe, now in that office for the
second time.
The main Opposition, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) — which went
through three Prime Ministers during its three-year reign that ended in
December last year — was also committed to closer ties with India. But
its political philosophy was less antagonistic towards China than that
of Mr. Abe and his LDP. As a result, it took a more conservative view of
opening up the civil nuclear and defence sectors to India.
In contrast, soon after taking over as Prime Minister for the second
time, Mr. Abe set about overhauling Japan’s long-held notions about
defence trade by reviewing its military policy; barring the United
States, it has, since 1967, frowned upon ties with other countries in
this sector.
Defence ties
By the time Prime Minister Manmohan Singh arrived in Tokyo in May this
year, the Japanese were ready to sell India a civilian-military use
amphibious plane by bending some of their rules prohibiting defence
sales. And before this year-end, in a joint exercise that will be bigger
than the first ever India-Japan exercises in June last year, the two
navies will be in a better position to understand each other’s way of
operations.
The Japanese Embassy in New Delhi will have three defence attachés by
the end of the year — there is a single official at present — for a more
intensive interaction at the levels of operations as well as trade.
From India’s point of view, closer defence ties with Japan are a vital
element of its Look East policy, as it provides a security component in
ties with countries on its eastern flank.
Nuclear sector
The civilian nuclear sector is another key area of interest for India;
talks with Japan had progressed smoothly till the Fukushima nuclear
accident happened. Mr. Abe would be more than eager to resume talks on
an India-Japan civilian nuclear agreement. But New Delhi would want
Japan to set the pace, especially after it has tried to accommodate
Indian interests without being asked. For instance, Japan has reduced
its export control list for India which today stands at just 10
entities.
Tokyo has offered to take four of them off the list without being asked.
A civilian nuclear agreement will offer Japan Steel Works massive
opportunities in India; the initial impetus for opening India-Japan
talks on the subject came from the Japanese industry. It should be a
matter of time before the industry begins encouraging Mr. Abe to reopen
talks for an agreement.
New Delhi hopes Mr. Abe, with the tailwind of majorities in both Houses
of Diet behind him, will be able to implement his Abenomics of opening
up business opportunities for Japanese corporates, essentially away from
the Chinese mainland. For India that would mean Tokyo may speed up
investment decisions in industrial corridors for the north and south.
People-to-people links
While it will be smooth sailing for India in economics and defence with
the civil nuclear field likely to follow, New Delhi would be looking at a
more forthcoming Tokyo with respect to greater people-to-people
exchanges. Also, Japan has a rapidly ageing population and requires
immigrants as caregivers. The India-Japan Comprehensive Economic
Partnership Agreement (CEPA) did envisage such a movement of people and
New Delhi would be trying to gently persuade the conservative Japanese
Government to open up its market to skilled personnel.
The Upper House majority for the LDP and its allies means that Mr. Abe
will not have to worry about numbers in either House of Parliament for
the next three years. His political position has been bolstered by seats
won by two parties further on Mr. Abe’s right. Provided Mr. Abe manages
to survive the machinations within his own party and maintains his
anti-China posture, India-Japan ties seem set to make progress.
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